Every year on November 11, National Education Day arrives with a familiar routine: speeches at school assemblies, essays on Maulana Abul Kalam Azad's life, and a list of the institutions he helped create. This year is no different.
The coverage once again points to IIT Kharagpur, the University Grants Commission (UGC) and the national academies for literature, music and the arts. All of that is true, and all of it deserves to be remembered.
But a memorial that only looks backward risks becoming a ritual. The more useful way to mark the day is to ask a harder question: what was Azad's method, and how does it apply to the problems India faces right now?
This article tries to answer that. It looks at who Azad was, what he actually built, why his ideas still hold up, and what a modern agenda inspired by his thinking might look like for a country with one of the largest school-age populations in the world.
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was born on November 11, 1888. Long before he became a minister, he was a writer and journalist. In 1912 he started the Urdu weekly Al-Hilal, which made him a prominent voice in the freedom movement. He was jailed several times by the colonial government, including a long period of internment in Ranchi. He later served as Congress president, and he was among the senior leaders of the freedom struggle.
When India became independent in 1947, Azad became its first Education Minister, a post he held until his death in 1958. He was posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna in 1992. National Education Day has been observed on his birth anniversary since 2008.
What makes his story relevant is the timing. He took charge of education when the country was poor, newly partitioned and overwhelmingly unlettered. The odds were against any large plan. Yet he began from a simple conviction: political freedom without education would be hollow. A free nation needed learning at every level, from the village primary school to the research laboratory, and it needed to build the institutions to deliver it.
The list of Azad-era institutions is often recited as a set of facts. It is more interesting read as a set of decisions.
Technical education. The first Indian Institute of Technology was established at Kharagpur in 1951. There is a striking detail in its history: it was set up at Hijli, a site that had been used by the British as a detention camp for freedom fighters. A place built to confine Indians became a place to train Indian engineers. Whether or not one reads symbolism into it, the message was clear. The new state intended to produce its own technical talent rather than depend on others for it.
Higher education oversight. The University Education Commission, headed by the philosopher Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, reviewed higher education in the late 1940s. The University Grants Commission followed in the 1950s to fund and coordinate universities. Whatever one thinks of regulation today, the founding idea was to give higher education a steady national structure and a source of funds.
Secondary schooling. A Secondary Education Commission was set up in the early 1950s to look at what schools were teaching and how. Reviewing the system honestly, then reforming it, was a habit Azad built into the ministry.
Arts and culture. The Sangeet Natak Akademi, Sahitya Akademi and Lalit Kala Akademi were established in the early 1950s. Many governments of a poor, newly independent country might have set the arts aside as a luxury. Azad did the opposite and treated them as part of education.
Taken together, these choices show a pattern. He built technical capacity, university structure, school reform and cultural life at the same time. He did not believe a nation had to pick between them.
Azad argued that every child deserves at least a foundation of schooling, and that it benefits society as much as the individual. The Constitution's directive principles originally asked the state to provide free and compulsory education for children up to fourteen within ten years. That target was missed by a wide margin.
The idea eventually became enforceable. The 86th Constitutional Amendment made education for children aged six to fourteen a fundamental right, and the Right to Education Act of 2009 put legal duties behind it, covering access, school facilities and teacher requirements.
But getting every child into a classroom was only the first half of the promise. Large national surveys, most notably the ASER reports produced by the Pratham network, have repeatedly found that many children in the early grades struggle to read a simple text or do basic arithmetic appropriate to their level. A right to attend school is not the same as a right to learn. The next stage of Azad's idea is learning guarantees: measuring whether children are actually acquiring skills and acting on what the measurements show.
India has set itself a specific goal here. The government's NIPUN Bharat mission aims for every child to achieve foundational literacy and numeracy by the end of Grade 3, with a target year of 2026-27. That deadline is now close, which makes this year's National Education Day a natural moment to ask how far the country has actually come and what still stands in the way.
The same minister who backed technical institutes also founded cultural academies. He did not treat engineering and literature as rivals competing for the same budget. He saw them as parts of one educated society.
This balance matters more today, not less. Automation and artificial intelligence are taking over routine tasks, and the skills that remain valuable are often the ones that machines do poorly: judgement, curiosity, communication, ethical reasoning, creativity. Those are developed through the arts, languages and humanities as much as through science. India's National Education Policy 2020 pushes in the same direction, calling for more flexibility between streams so that a student is not locked into one track at fifteen.
The lesson is not that everyone should study everything. It is that a country which treats the arts as decoration will eventually find its scientists and engineers lacking in imagination, and its artists cut off from the tools of their time.
Azad was not trying to leave behind a personal legacy. He built bodies designed to continue after him: a university regulator, technical institutes, cultural academies. His real contribution was a system, not a single reform.
This is perhaps the least glamorous lesson, and the most important. Education reform fails more often through inconsistency than through bad ideas. Programmes launched with great fanfare are quietly dropped when a minister changes or a budget tightens. The things that endure are the ones embedded in institutions with clear mandates, stable funding and people who stay long enough to see results.
One conversation running alongside this year's observance is about language. With artificial intelligence advancing quickly, will English matter less, and does mother-tongue education deserve a fresh look? Experts quoted in that discussion do not expect English to lose its place. They do see proficiency in regional languages becoming more valuable.
That is an encouraging shift. For decades, learning in one's home language was often framed as a limitation, something a family chose only when it could not afford an English-medium school. Yet research on early learning has long suggested that children grasp concepts more easily in a language they already understand. India's National Education Policy 2020 reflects this: it encourages instruction in the home language or mother tongue at least until Grade 5, and preferably until Grade 8 and beyond.
The obstacle has always been practical. India has many languages, textbooks and trained teachers are not available in all of them, and parents worry that a child taught in a regional language will be shut out of better jobs. AI translation and language tools may help close that gap. A child could learn science in a language she speaks at home, while tools help her access global material and build English alongside.
A caution is needed here. These tools are only as good as the data and care behind them, and many Indian languages have far less digital material than English or Hindi. Used badly, AI can produce clumsy or inaccurate translations and widen the gap it was meant to close. Used well, with teachers checking quality and communities involved, it could make a long-standing ideal workable at scale.
A note on method: this section is my own reading of his philosophy, not a historical claim about what Azad would have done. Leaders of a different era cannot be drafted into today's debates. But his priorities suggest five goals worth pursuing.
1. Foundational learning first. Every later reform depends on children being able to read with understanding and handle basic arithmetic in the early grades. A child who falls behind in Grade 2 rarely catches up unaided. Systems should be judged on whether children can read, not only on how many are enrolled.
2. Teachers at the centre. No tool or policy replaces a well-trained, well-supported teacher. That means serious investment in training, reasonable workloads, and respect for the profession. Technology should reduce a teacher's paperwork, not add to it.
3. AI as an assistant, not a shortcut. Used carefully, AI can personalise practice, translate material and give teachers more time. But students must also be taught to question its answers rather than copy them. A generation that cannot tell a good answer from a confident one will be poorly served.
4. Language as an asset. Let children learn in the language they understand best, while building confidence in English and other languages. The aim is not to choose between local roots and global reach. It is to give children both.
5. Access that is real. Connectivity, textbooks, safe buildings, toilets and transport matter most for children furthest from the city, girls, and those with disabilities. Any plan that works only for children already well served is not a national plan.
A useful way to honour Azad is to ask questions he might have asked, and to ask them of our own systems:
These are uncomfortable questions, but a National Education Day that never asks them is only a holiday.
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It is easy to read about national policy and conclude that nothing depends on you. That would be a mistake. Education systems are built by thousands of small, steady decisions.
A parent can read with a child for fifteen minutes a day, in any language the family speaks. A teacher can try one new method this term and observe whether it helps. A professional or founder can mentor one student through a difficult year. A school leader can walk to the last row and ask whether the child sitting there is truly learning. A journalist can follow a policy past the announcement and report what happened next. A young person can teach a younger sibling or neighbour something they already know.
None of these will appear in a press release. All of them add up.
Azad lived through imprisonment, partition and the uncertain first years of a new republic. He did not conclude that education could wait until conditions were easier. He concluded that education was how conditions would become easier.
That is the idea worth carrying forward. The institutions he built are still standing, but institutions are only as strong as the care that goes into them each year. His unfinished work is not a matter of building more plaques. It is making sure that a child born in any part of India gets a real chance to learn, to think and to grow.
On this National Education Day, the best tribute is not a slogan. It is a promise, and then the patient work of keeping it.
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